September 1997, Volume LXXIX Number 3
Weimar antimilitarist imagery shows that ideals of manliness and maternity, concepts central to the German patriotic view of World War I, were not limited to use by the political right but were redefined and deployed by antiwar artists Otto Dix and Käthe Kollwitz, and in photographs published by the pacifist propagandist Ernst Friedrich, who exhibited images by all three in his International Antiwar Museum in Berlin in 1924. These gendered representations of war, while throwing into question the straightforward "progressiveness" of antiwar visual imagery, reveal the relationship between gendered identity, militarism, and patriarchal capitalism.
The Hellenistic Musaeum of Alexandria became a subject of sustained interest for seventeenth- and eighteenth-century antiquarians and architects. What little documentation remained indicated that the Musaeum had been an élite group of scholars, supported by a library, housing, and other research facilities. In 1793 the French Revolutionary government gave its newly public collections of rare objects the name muséum in reference to the Alexandrian project. However, only one muséum in Paris could sustain the comparison: the Muséum d'Histoire Naturelle. By 1797 it alone retained the name of muséum after the ancient Musaeum; the rest carried the modern title musée.
It is striking that Kant omits the ruin--as emblem and as idea--from his philosophical enterprise, considering the immense popularity of ruins at the end of the eighteenth century. His blindness to the contemporaneous cult of ruins may be emblematic of his own unwillingness to consider the ruination of his overconfident systematics, as well as a less than idealized, or "ruined," subject. While an idealized notion of the Kantian subject has been fundamental to the history of art, the essay demonstrates how the Kantian subject is itself divided, thereby raising questions concerning subjectivity and objectivity in art history.
This reappraisal of the documents, with an analysis of two recently discovered drawings by Longhena, sheds light on the planning and design process for the church of S. Maria della Salute and provides more accurate measurements of the various projects. Changes to the sanctuary design, effected because of ceremonial requirements, are shown to be the result of a request by patrons in 1631. Ceremonial books of the Venetian Republic provide evidence of how the Salute was used on the feast day for which it was principally built and demonstrate the impact of ducal ceremony on architectural design in seicento Venice.
This essay explores self-referential models of patrons and painters in a number of central Italian works from the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. It argues that the Expulsion of Heliodorus established one of the earliest sites of reception where the viewing audience would have construed the painter as a "creative" artist who, through the work of his fantasia, represents the metaphysical truth of sacred history. The Heliodorus marks an inaugural moment in the history of what today we call artistic intention.
The commonly accepted identity of the women in Michelangelo’s Florentine Pietà entails many quandaries, such as the iconographically unprecedented position of the "Madonna" at Christ’s left and the angel’s head--a feature exclusively connected with Madonnas in Florentine sculpture--on the diadem of the "Magdalene." It is consequently proposed that the figure on Christ’s right is the Madonna and the figure on his left is Mary Magdalene. The Magdalene’s union with Christ is interpreted as an expression of Michelangelo’s Nicodemite belief in justification by faith. On a deeper personal level it is proposed that the exalted Magdalene represents the artist’s beloved Vittoria Colonna.
Returning to the remarkable image of Christ disappearing from sight at the Ascension, analyzed half a century ago in a classic article by Meyer Schapiro, this study introduces additional texts and images to advance a new interpretation. In contrast to Schapiro, the author situates the innovation firmly in eleventh-century theology and image theory. He also identifies significant variants within the tradition, traces the diverse sources of the concept in older pictures and texts, and demonstrates that the conceit of Christ shown only from the waist down marked the limits of corporeal sight as an instrument of spiritual practice.